On the bill to de-certify the Florida Democratic Party

So, there’s a bill in the Florida rubber-stamp legislature, SB 1245, which would decertify any party that previously endorsed slavery. It was filed, obviously, by State Senator and former Florida Republican Party chair Blaise Ingoglia in response to liberal campaigns against Confederate statues. 

In such a situation, what would be the options for liberals who live in such a state which decertifies an entire political party?

  • The judicial route:
    • They could sue on 1st Amendment freedom of speech, freedom of association, and anti-ex-post-facto grounds. 
    • They could sue on the grounds that the law, as currently written, is too nebulous to be enforceable. 
  • They could establish a new political party under another name, as the bill suggests. Plenty of bureaucratic headache if that were to take place. 

The bill is poorly written, IMO. I mean, define this: “if the party’s platform has previously advocated for, or been in support of, slavery or involuntary servitude.”

A more serious (but still ill-fated) attempt would have the following:

  • specify the dates when these platforms were published
  • Be limited to Florida’s jurisdiction
  • Provide the details for how an offending party *corporately* endorsed these platforms (not just individual candidates for office under that party’s brand)

It’s also telling that the bill only extends to “slavery or involuntary servitude”. It does not mention, for example, the violent voter suppression campaign (also known as “Redemption”) to drive Reconstruction-era Republicans from office and cement one-party rule. It does not mention the poll taxes passed by said party, nor the intense apartheid restrictions placed upon the daily lives of Black residents by said party. All of the above would apply to the Democratic Party, of course, but why does slavery alone receive this mention in the bill?

It also begs the question of whether state governments have the power to regulate the names of political parties. California came close to attempting to regulate whether parties can use the name “independent” before Gov. Newsom vetoed said bill in October 2019, arguing that it was unconstitutional. If he had signed the bill, the far-right American Independent Party of California could have sued in federal court on aforementioned 1st Amendment grounds, and would likely have won. Furthermore, as noted by Richard Winger of Ballot Access News, “The bill violates the First Amendment. Communist Party of Indiana v Whitcomb, a unanimous decision from the US Supreme Court in 1974, said states can’t keep parties off the ballot based on the ideas of those parties. So even if the Democratic Party still supported slavery, the bill would be struck down if it passed.”

To play devil’s advocate, there may be at least one back-door way for state governments to regulate or influence party names in a way that avoids constitutional scrutiny regarding speech and viewpoint discrimination. 

  • They could force annual recertification of political parties and repeatedly delay recertification without an official explanation, or even declare a sort of “at-will” decertification of political parties. 
  • They could also publicly distribute a set of officially-unenforceable “best practices” for party names which would pressure political parties to conform. 
  • Republicans could repeatedly jack up the filing fee, petition and party registration threshold by county (or worse) to block new parties from certification

OTOH, if the Federalist Society would rather overturn the Communist Party of Indiana case in order to strangle the First Amendment and support regional one-party rule, Republicans could use this newfound power to add further proscriptions against new political parties, such as “no party shall exist which holds views contrary to state law as written at this date”. They could also expand the definition of “slavery” to include anything that social conservatives hate and demonize, such as welfare and abortion (and they repeatedly “Godwin” themselves with this as it is). 

In a time when social conservatives are dumping their alliance with right-wing libertarians and their sensibilities in the name of power and control, liberal minorities in red states must be prepared for how far their state governments will go to undermine their ability to politically organize. 

Animation at the GLAAD Media Awards

Admittedly, animated works have had a short run in the shortlists of the GLAAD Media Awards, which nominate works of notable relevance to the LGBT community. Milestones:

  • 2018 seems to be the year when GLAAD began to broaden nominations to more age groups and media, creating a category for Kids and Family Programming.
  • 2021 saw the introduction of Outstanding Children’s Programming (for younger children)
  • 2023 is the first with an animated category, albeit for Kids and Family Programming

I wouldn’t be surprised if GLAAD follows the NAACP Image Awards in creating an animated category for Outstanding Film at some point.

2013

Outstanding Film – Wide Release

  • ParaNorman

2017

Outstanding Comedy Series

  • Steven Universe

2018

Outstanding Kids and Family Programming

  • The Loud House
  • Steven Universe
  • Danger & Eggs
  • Doc McStuffins

2019

Outstanding Kids & Family Programming

  • Adventure Time (Cartoon Network)
  • She-Ra (Netflix)
  • Steven Universe (Cartoon Network)

2020

Outstanding Kids and Family Programming

  • The Bravest Knight (Hulu)
  • The Loud House (Nickelodeon)
  • “Mr. Ratburn and the Special Someone” – Arthur (PBS)
  • Rocko’s Modern Life: Static Cling (Netflix)
  • She-Ra and the Princesses of Power (Netflix)
  • Steven Universe: The Movie (Cartoon Network)
  • “A Tale of Two Nellas” – Nella the Princess Knight (Nick Jr.)
  • Twelve Forever (Netflix)

2021

Outstanding Children’s Programming

  • “Challenge of the Senior Junior Woodchucks!” – DuckTales (Disney XD)
  • “Dogbot” – Clifford the Big Red Dog (PBS)
  • “Nancy Plays Dress Up” – Fancy Nancy (Disney Junior)
  • Summer Camp Island (HBO Max)

Outstanding Kids and Family Programming

  • She-Ra and the Princesses of Power (DreamWorks Animation/Netflix)
  • Craig of the Creek (Cartoon Network)
  • Kipo and the Age of Wonderbeasts (Dreamworks Animation/Netflix)
  • The Loud House (Nickelodeon)
  • “Obsidian” – Adventure Time: Distant Lands (HBO Max)
  • The Owl House (Disney Channel)
  • Steven Universe (Cartoon Network)

Special Recognition

  • Out (Pixar/Disney+)

2022

Outstanding Children’s Programming 

  • “Family Day” – Sesame Street (HBO Max)
  • “Berry Bounty Banquet – Part 2” – Strawberry Shortcake: Berry in the Big City (WildBrain Studios/YouTube Kids)
  • City of Ghosts (Netflix)
  • “Gonzo-rella” – Muppet Babies (Disney Junior)
  • “Joie de Jonathan” – Fancy Nancy (Disney Junior)
  • Ridley Jones (Netflix)
  • Rugrats (Paramount+)
  • Summer Camp Island (Cartoon Network/HBO Max)
  • We The People (Netflix)
  • “Whatever Floats Your Float” – Madagascar: A Little Wild (Hulu/Peacock)

Outstanding Film – Wide Release

  • The Mitchells vs. the Machines (Netflix)

Outstanding Documentary

  • Flee

Outstanding Kids and Family Programming

  • Power Rangers Dino Fury (Nickelodeon/Netflix)
  • Amphibia (Disney Channel)
  • Centaurworld (Netflix)
  • The Loud House (Nickelodeon)
  • The Owl House (Disney Channel)

2023

Outstanding Film – Wide Release

  • “Lightyear” (Pixar)
  • “Strange World” (Walt Disney Studios Motion Pictures)

Outstanding Film – Limited Release

  • “Wendell & Wild” (Netflix)

Outstanding Comedy Series

  • “Harley Quinn” (HBO Max)

Outstanding Kids & Family Programming — Animated

  • “Amphibia” (Disney Channel)
  • “Battle Kitty” (Netflix)
  • “Big Nate” (Nickelodeon)
  • “Craig of the Creek” (Cartoon Network)
  • “Dead End: Paranormal Park” (Netflix)
  • “The Dragon Prince” (Netflix)
  • “Jurassic World: Camp Cretaceous” (Netflix)
  • “The Owl House” (Disney Channel)
  • “The Proud Family: Louder and Prouder” (Disney+)
  • Trick or Treat Scooby-Doo! (Cartoon Network)

Outstanding Children’s Program

  • “Adoptasaurus Rex,” “Dino Ranch” (Disney Junior)
  • “Firebuds” (Disney Junior)
  • “The Mint Gala,” “Strawberry Shortcake: Berry in the Big City” (Netflix)
  • “Pinecone & Pony” (Apple TV+)

Works which should have been nominated

Arlo Parks – Weightless (Official Video)

Listen to ‘Weightless’ here: https://ift.tt/rqOPYeE

Taken from the forthcoming album My Soft Machine, pre-order here: https://ift.tt/WzXybnI

Follow Arlo Parks:
https://ift.tt/3CbhqF4

https://ift.tt/RrvJD6i
https://ift.tt/OWVtwIz

Sign up to Arlo’s mailing list: https://ift.tt/45fM8Gt

Directed by Marc Oller
Produced by CANADA
Head of Music Videos CANADA Callum Harrison
Producers CANADA Sara Renteria & Anna Bacardit
Producer Débora Zhang
Director of Photography Zack Spiger
Art Director Vicki Viñas
Arlo Parks Stylist Lewis Munday
Arlo Parks Make Up Artist Emilie Louizides
Talent Stylist Natalia Vega
Talent Make Up Artist Ana Cano
Steady Operator Alberto Ojeda
Steady Assistant Manu Rodriguez
Casting Lane Casting
Editor Fouad Gaber
Post Production Álvaro Posadas @CANADA
Post Production Assistant Marta Castillo @CANADA
Post Production Coordinators Javier Botella & Marina M. Campomanes
Grading William Kjarval
Graphic Design Judit Musachs
BTS Sophie Williams
Starring Marina Garavagno & Owen Edobor
Service Production Company Cyber Few Good Men
Cyber Few Good Men EP Vuk Marjanovic
Cyber Few Good Men Line Producer Branka Ilić
Production Manager Aleksandar Vidovic & Аnja Petrović
1st AD David Jovanovic
Location Scout Nemanja Stojanović & Srdjan Radojković
Transport Coordinator Božidar Marinković
Safety Coordinator Milan Djole Alavanja
Stunt Coordinator Slaviša Ivanović
Stunt Marko Joksimović
Precision driver Marko Vasiljević
Horse Asa
1st AC Romain Malavoy
2nd AC Nenad Ristic
Video Assist Nemanja Oravec & Milos Ristić & Nikola
Čojčić
Gaffer Dragan Sapic
Best Boy Aleksandar Davidović
Sparks Jovan Todorović
Key Grip Emir Bihorac
Grip Nikola Savić
SFX Coordinator Stanislav Stanko Knežević
Local Art Director Nikola Nikolć
Props Buyer Dragan Mladenović
Set Dressers Boban Mladenović & Dragan Milovanović &
Zlatan Milovanović
Local Stylist Petra Leskovac Vučković
Wardrobe Assistant Milica Jevdjić
Suppliers Vision Team, Sapa Light, Puccini Catering, Cinevent, Geseme, Cinelab Romania

Special Thanks
Nico Méndez, Lope Serrano, Victor Mata, Sara Martínez, Laura Rodríguez, Marina Malo, Marina Casellas
Management Ali Raymond and Sarah Rodriguez @Beatnik
Label Mike Harounoff @Transgressive
Directors Rep Hands LDN

via YouTube

SciTech Links I’ve Read Over the Last 3 Months

The “Least” Offensive Ways by Which the Abrahamic Fanatics Carve Out Exceptions on LGBT Rights

Abolishing Marriage Licenses

On August 29, 2019, over four years after the landmark Scotus ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges, Alabama followed through on a lingering threat to abolish marriage licenses. The resulting law is…..interesting, to say the least.

Under the new law, county probate judges are now required to record marriage certificates but are no longer required to issue licenses. Couples are no longer required to apply for a license, and only need to complete and send a marriage certificate to a probate judge, who is required to declare the marriage valid. A ceremony may be held for the wedding, but solemnization is no longer required for a recognized marriage in Alabama.

Coincidentally, this method is similar to how marriage is done in Australia. Over there, marriage licenses do not exist, and are instead carried out in the following manner:

  1. the couple notifies a certified celebrant one month in advance
  2. the couple meets the celebrant in person with at least two witnesses over the age of 18 present
  3. the celebrant recites the required words to solemnize the marriage
  4. the couple signs the certificate in front of the celebrant and witnesses
  5. the celebrant sends the marriage certificate to that state’s Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages, who registers the marriage as valid.

The Alabama system seemingly discards the need for a celebrant of any type. It’s as close as Alabama might get to common-law marriage. Unironically, this makes sense, even with the Respect for Marriage Act codifying Loving v. Virginia and Windsor v. United States into law. Now, on the other hand….

The “Utah Compromise”

I still think about how Utah’s SB 296 from 2015 has been hailed since as the “Utah Compromise” on LGBT rights. It was written to protect against discrimination in housing and employment for LGBT people. And now SCOTUS may further gut anti-discrimination laws in order to force this compromise on those states which have more comprehensive civil rights laws in place.

Only Indiana and Arkansas went so far as to pass their bills into law (Georgia and Arizona’s were both vetoed by Republican governors), and both did so without an LGBT nondiscrimination bill being considered by their Republican majorities.

The RFRA moment reached its crescendo in state legislatures in 2015-16 in the run-up to and aftermath of Obergefell v. Hodges, after which the religious right shifted its war-making in the direction of targeting public accommodations for transgender people.

What if this outgoing Congress had passed the Fairness for All Act, which adds the broad religious exemptions to LGBT rights protections sought by the LDS church? The ACLU criticized the bill in 2019 due to its singling-out of sexual orientation and gender identity for religious exemptions, its attempted undermining of then-ongoing court cases, and its undermining of child welfare protections.

I’m trying to find an example of a federal bill which would have advanced broad religious exemptions to all existing civil rights law, something like what Indiana’s SB 101 did. I’ve seen federal bills attempting to expand RFRA to vaccines and vaccine mandates during the height of the pandemic, but not yet something that would expand federal RFRA into a sledgehammer against all other federal civil rights law.

That’s the problem, IMO, with the Fairness for All Act being framed as a federal analogue to Utah SB 296. It specifically targets SOGI for exemptions, like bills filed during the pandemic by Ron Estes or Marco Rubio targeted vaccines, when the GOP could have gone whole-hog and targeted all civil rights law like Indiana SB 101 did. Meanwhile, Utah SB 296 only protected against discrimination in housing and employment, said nothing about SOGI in public accommodations, and was built into Utah’s extremely-broad religious exemptions for state civil rights law (even on race and color).

SCOTUS, these days, seems interested in carving out such exemptions on SOGI. The question is how far are they willing to wreck the Civil Rights Act(s) and Americans with Disabilities Act in the process.

Idea: Federal Recognition for “Traditional Peoples and Communities”

Several communities have campaigned for decades for federal recognition as indigenous tribes. Besides the 571 federally-recognized tribes, 62 others are recognized at the state level across 16 states, while several in the Midwest and Appalachian areas lack any state recognition but have several unrecognized communities which are seek some sort of government recognition. Some of the largest groups locked out from federal recognition as tribes are the Lumbee people of North Carolina, the United Houma Nation of Louisiana, the Echota Cherokee Tribe of Alabama, and the Chinook Indian Nation of Washington.

But then there are other communities which do not consider themselves as Native American but may either have some level of indigeneity to their homelands or are currently organized around distinct economic and cultural activities largely separate from their neighbors in the prevailing culture. This includes the Native Hawaiians, but on a broader level includes the Gullah-Geechee of South Carolina and Georgia, the Romani people, the Melungeons of the Appalachians, the Freedmen communities in Oklahoma, and more.

In Brazil, the federal government since 2007 uses the designation “traditional populations/communities/peoples” to describe a broader number of communities than just federally-recognized indigenous peoples. This term includes the quilombolas, or residents of historic maroon communities in the interior of Brazil, among several others.

Canada’s federal government largely uses the term “indigenous peoples” when describing “First Nations”, “Inuit” and ‘Metis” altogether, but each group is legally distinct from each other.

I argue that the U.S. federal government should create a second tier of federal recognition of peoples through the Department of the Interior, one with a broader definition and looser criteria for federal recognition than those for federally-recognized tribes. My idea is that these communities which fall under this broader umbrella would:

  • include state-recognized tribes, unrecognized tribes, indigenous communities distinct from Native Americans, and ethnic groups which maintain distinct folkways.
  • form public-private partnerships with the federal government in which the federal government plays an advisory and assistive role (similar to the recently-formalized National Heritage Areas)
  • are not entitled to the level of sovereignty accorded to Indian tribes
  • would not be entitled to exclusive land claims
  • may only be designated by an executive order, an Act of Congress, a federal judicial decision, a administrative decision or an application by a state government which recognizes that group under state law

This would go a long way to accommodating several of these communities in this country. They would also bring more tourism opportunities in the areas where they live, as well as allow for more opportunities for ecological and historical preservation.

And at the very least, state governments should lead the way, away from “state-recognized tribes” to “state-recognized traditional peoples and communities”.