A partir de las 18:00 horas de este domingo comenzó el conteo de votos en Chile continental en el balotaje que definió al próximo Presidente de nuestro país entre los candidatos, Gabriel Boric y José Antonio Kast.
Y ya pasadas las 19:00 horas se consolidó el triunfo de la carta de Apruebo Dignidad, sacando cerca de 10 puntos de ventaja con más de la mitad de los votos escrutados.
Incluso, cerca de las 19:20 horas, Kast reconoció la victoria de Boric, felicitándolo y llamándolo por teléfono por su triunfo.
Cabe señalar que el diputado de Convergencia Social se impone con el 55,52% seguido del 44,48% del abanderado del Frente Social Cristiano con un total del 83,03% mesas escrutadas, lo que equivale a 6.808.272 votos.
“In early 2020, Curt and I sat down together with just a couple of acoustic guitars. The first time in decades. We needed a meeting of minds, a coming together psychically. We were literally going back to the drawing board looking for some depth, heart and soul with which to complete our album. Curt came up with this simple folk/country riff, a little bit Dylan, a little bit Johnny Cash, and then we were off. It was the complete opposite of what we had been trying to do for many years – searching for the elusive, modern hit single. We felt suddenly unencumbered, free if you like, no longer worrying about the market, about success, but drawing on influences from our childhoods. It was at this point that the whole album started opening up. ‘No Small Thing’ was the key, the thing that turned a red light green,” – Roland Orzabal
“‘No Small Thing’ feels like it could have been a song from a seventies or sixties acoustic folk album with how the track starts. The fact that we felt confident enough to go from there to the end of the song to where it’s just absolute mayhem speaks to that sense of freedom, and that’s our comfort zone musically.” – Curt Smith
Directed & Edited by Vern Moen
Colour Grade by Graham Lovelis
Commissioned by Dilly Gent
Production Company: Son&Heir
Lyrics:
Get your sweets from the candyman
Get your truth from the shelf
Don’t buy into the fairy tale
Just be good to yourself
‘Cos you know that I love you girl
You’re my way out of hell
But I’ve just one more song to sing
One more story to tell
When I’m tired of the bright lights
When I’m tired of the wine
I’ll go down to Wheal Mexico
To the depths of the mine
When I’m forty years older
When I’m wrinkled and wise
I will trade all my liberty
For that look in your eyes
Reason gonna bind you
Cripple and confine you
Listen as your poor heart breaks
Take a trip to America
Let the wind blow right through your hair
We’ll buy beer and some hope to share
Everyday
‘Cos freedom is no small thing
We punish the child for flying too high
For rushing like the wind
Reason gonna bind you
Cripple and confine you
Listen as your poor heart breaks
Stars are like diamonds
We fly across the sky for them
No one’s gonna change who we are
‘Cos freedom is no small thing
We punish the child for flying too high
For rushing like the wind
Out of the scenarios crafted by members of the commission, the board approved Scenario J, which protects incumbents and makes the following shifts of land:
District 1 (represented by Pops Barnes on Council and Patricia Hugley-Green on the Board) gains a tiny portion of East Inglewood neighborhood from District 4, as well a a portion of the Crystal Valley neighborhood from District 5
District 2 (represented by Glenn Davis on Council and Nickie Tillery on Board) gains the remaining portion of land around the I-75-SR 96 interchange and a portion of land along Whittlessey Blvd and Whitesville Rd from District 8
District 3 (represented by Bruce Huff on Council and Vanessa Jackson on Board) gains land near 17th Street, Cherokee Avenue and Forest Avenue from District 8, splitting Weracoba Park with District 7
District 5 (represented by Charmaine Crabb on Council and Laurie McRae on Board) gains land along the border of Flat Rock Park from District 6
District 7 (represented by Mimi Woodson on Council and Cathy Williams on Board) gains Warm Springs Road and Lakebottom Park from District 8 as well as a small section of Wynnton Road from District 3
District 8 (represented by Walker Garrett on Council and Dr. Philip Schley on Board) gains more of Hilton Heights, all of Britt David Park, a portion north of Miller Rd and of Columbus Metropolitan Airport, and a portion south of Weems Rd from District 5, and gains all of the Britt David neighborhood, more of Weems Rd, and land south of the Columbus Park Crossing area from District 2
Districts 4 (represented by Toyia Tucker on Council and Naomi Buckner on Board) and 6 (represented by Gary Allen on Council and Mark Cantrell on Board) do not experience any expansions of land under this map. Besides intentionally protecting incumbents from being drawn out of their districts and making largely cosmetic changes to protect their chances of being re-elected, the map also shifts land out of Districts 2, 4 and 6 due to these districts being overpopulated.
Bishop, the lone vote against the map, said that the racial makeup of the new District 8 moved her against the proposal. The ethnic makeup of the district changed over the decade, with more African-American residents moving in than Euro-American residents moving out. The new map would pare down this shift.
Theresa El-Amin of the Southern Anti-Racism Network also spoke against some members’ comments in support of protecting incumbency for current members of both the Council and School Board. Mary Sue Polleys, a member of the commission appointed by Council from District 8, stated in a previous meeting that redrawing members out of their districts could be seen as politically-motivated. State guidelines argue against drawing currentmembers out of their districts.
The map was introduced to Council at its Dec. 7 meeting, and will hold a first reading vote on the map on Dec. 14. The map must also be assessed by the General Assembly’s Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment Office. If the map does not get final approval from Council within six months of the redistricting commission’s submission to the Council, the new map goes into effect. No date has been set for a first vote on the map in the School Board, which meets next on Dec. 13.
The map is likely to not be approved in time for council and school board elections in May 2022 unless the date for the primary and municipal elections are pushed to a later date by the General Assembly.
In regards to sex and gender relations, the current version of the bill does the following:
encodes sexual assault into the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ) as a crime for the first time
requires each military branch to establish an office to handle such crimes,
bans military commanders from making decisions about prosecutions in these and other “covered crimes”
directs DoD to track allegations of retaliation by victims of sexual assault and harassment, including demographic information on both the purported perpetrator and victim
To gain support from Republicans, Senate Democrats removed key provisions from the House’s earlier version of the NDAA FY2022, including provisions mandating the removal of language in the Selective Service Act only requiring men to register for Selective Service by the age of 18. While the NDAA had passed with bipartisan support in the House, several key Republican senators such as Josh Hawley of Missouri objected to this language on sexist grounds, while Rand Paul of Kentucky objected to the maintenance of the Selective Service System in its entirety.
Far-right Republican members of both houses objected to the bill for purported financial support of gender-affirming surgeries for transgender servicemembers, even though the bill did not include such language and merely failed to include a transphobic amendment banning such support. The bill also fails to codify President Biden’s re-integration of transgender servicemembers.
The provisions in regards to sexual assault and harassment have the support of DoD leadership.
Other provisions
The bill also includes:
the establishment of a “multi-year independent Afghanistan War Commission” to examine the beginning, procedure and U.S. withdrawal from the war over the last 20 years.
authorizing a 2.7% pay increase for servicemembers
authorizing DoD to provide a “basic needs allowance” for qualified low-income servicemembers who have experienced setbacks from the pandemic
establishes an “office, organizational structure, and provides authorities to address unidentified aerial phenomena,” aka UFOs
requires the President to develop a “Grand Strategy with Respect to China,” including assessments of Chinese activities in military, security, and foreign and economic relations in Central and South America
bans the U.S. military from buying equipment made by forced labor camps in Xinjiang Province (a provision added at the behest of Republican senator Marco Rubio)
reinforces U.S. policy against Chinese attempts to find a fait accompli against Taiwan
However, Senate Democrats removed a repeal of the 2002 Authorization to Use Military Force in Afghanistan from the most recent version. They also removed a provision legalizing marijuana banking, which was pushed by NJ Rep. Ed Perlmutter and passed the House.
Several House progressives voted against the bill due to the largesse of the funding to the military compared to the repeated cuts to the Build Back Better Act which has yet to pass the Senate.
Ending years of speculation, Fair Fight CEO and former state House Minority Leader Stacey Abrams announced her 2022 bid for governor, an announcement timed on the day after the 2021 municipal runoffs. She is widely expected in the press to be the leading candidate in the May 24 2022 Democratic gubernatorial primary.
Despite her renown and the possibility that she could have no primary competition, Abrams will face an uphill battle against the eventual Republican nominee, whether it is incumbent Brian Kemp, former U.S. Senator David Perdue, or the conservative former Democratic state legislator-turned-Republican candidate Vernon Jones. The Abrams campaign currently expects an uncontested primary for governor, preferring that more of the primary infighting occurs on the Republican side in the coming months.
Abrams also faces an uphill battle against stagnant national poll numbers for President Joe Biden and downballot Democrats. History shows an emerging Democratic Party in Georgia which only began in recent years to rebuild itself in a new image.
16 Years in the Wilderness, Then a Path Forward
The last time that Democrats in Georgia ran for governor and state row offices under a Democratic president’s first midterm was in 2010, which resulted in a poor showing, with Republican former congressmember Nathan Deal defeating the Democratic former one-term governor Roy Barnes by 10 percentage points, and the downballot Democrats performing worse in their popular vote share. The 2014 gubernatorial election also saw a poor showing by Democrats, with Nathan Deal defeating Democratic state senator Jason Carter by 8 points.
On the other hand, 2006, which was a Democratic downballot wave year nationally, also saw Georgia Democrats massively underperforming the national environment from the governor downward, with Republican incumbent Sonny Perdue dealing a 19-point defeat to Democratic Lieutenant Governor Mark Taylor, the worst result for a Democratic gubernatorial nominee in Georgia history. The Democratic popular vote percentages for U.S. House, Georgia Senate and Georgia House all exceeded Taylor’s.
In general, the 2000-2016 period was a doldrum period for Democrats, only experiencing an infusion of energy beginning in 2017 with Trump-era special elections ending the Republican supermajority in the State Senate and a spirited push by then-candidate Jon Ossoff for Georgia’s 6th congressional district. At the same time, the vote share difference between the parties has declined in each successive gubernatorial contest since 2006, from that year’s 57.9 – 38.2 difference between Perdue and Taylor to 2018’s 50.2 – 48.8 difference between Kemp and Abrams.
Abrams in 2018 was the first Democratic nominee for Georgia governor who had neither any ties with the pre-21st century political establishment within the party nor any electoral experience prior to 2000. Barnes was a state senator from 1975-1991, state representative from 1993-1999 and governor from 1999-2003; Taylor served as state senator from 1987-1999 and Lieutenant Governor 1999-2007; and Carter is the grandson of former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, and shared the 2014 ballot with Michelle Nunn, who ran for U.S. Senate and is the daughter of former U.S. senator Sam Nunn (who served in the Georgia House from 1969-1973 and the U.S. Senate from 1973–1997).
Even the other state row offices have seen improvements. The last Senate-Governor year in a Democratic president’s first midterm (2010) saw Michael Thurmond bottom out with 39% of the vote for U.S. Senate, followed closely by Georganna Sinkfield for Secretary of State with 39.4%. The last Georgia state row office election in a Senate-Governor year (2014) saw Democrats’ worst-performing statewide candidates – Christopher Irvin for Agriculture Commissioner and Liz Johnson for Insurance and Safety Fire Commissioner – each gaining 41.7% of the vote. In contrast, the 2018 election saw Fred Swann improve on the state row office floor with 46.92% for Agriculture Commissioner.
The Political Environment in Georgia
The task before Georgia Democrats is to maintain the Trump-era momentum in the Biden era, overperform against national polls, and accomplish the difficult task of putting a Democrat in the governor’s mansion, but the national environment sometimes offers mixed surprises. 2010, while a disaster for downballot Democrats across most of the country, did see Democrats pick up governorships in five states, while Republicans took governorships in eleven other states. Similarly, in 2021, Democrats lost the Virginia governorship, but retained the governorship of New Jersey in that state’s first Democratic re-election win in 40 years, a mixed early national result for Democrats downballot heading into 2022.
And the current state-level environment offers early positive signs for Georgia Democrats, with self-identified Democrats flipping 48 municipal seats in 25 counties in 2021, including a close historic win for the Warner Robins mayorship, while Republicans flipped 6.
2022 will also be the first time since 2014 that both offices of governor and U.S. senator will be on the ballot in Georgia. The Democratic nominee for governor will likely campaign at the top of the Democrats’ Georgia ticket alongside the Democratic Senate nominee, widely expected to be the incumbent Raphael Warnock, who is running for a full six-year term in office. Warnock and his fellow senator Jon Ossoff both forced Republican then-incumbents Perdue and Kelly Loeffler into runoffs and pulled off wins in January 2021.
A slew of Democratic candidates have announced bids for all executive row offices to the press throughout the year, with likely competitive primaries for Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General, Secretary of State, and the Commissioners of Agriculture, Insurance and Labor. Surprisingly, only one Democrat, Cobb County Public Schools Board member Dr. Jaha Howard, has announced for State Superintendent of Schools, an office for which there is usually a competitive Democratic primary.
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Simon and I recounts the lives of two giants in the South African gay and lesbian liberation movement, Simon Nkoli and the film maker herself, Bev Ditsie. The story is narrated by Bev, both as a personal statement and a political history. Through good times and bad, their relationship is viewed against a backdrop of intense political activism and the HIV/AIDS crisis. Their converging and diverging lives, culminating in Simon ‘s death, are revealed in this heartfelt testament using a mixed format of interviews and archive footage.
Despite party-line opposition from Democrats, the Republican majority in the General Assembly passed all three of their proposed maps for U.S. House, State Senate and State House with very little dissenters. Notable controversies:
the de-facto ousting of Lucy McBath from GA-06 (she has since announced a primary challenge in GA-07, currently held by Carolyn Bordeaux who has also announced her own re-election bid)
the cracking of Cobb County into four congressional districts, with a largely-Democratic area in West Cobb being placed into Marjorie Taylor Green’s GA-14 (to her objection)
the packing of Democratic voters in Gwinnett et al into GA-07
the postponing of a Republican attempt to shoehorn electoral reforms for Gwinnett’s County Commission and Board of Education into the next session, for which outgoing Lt. Governor Greg Duncan has helped organize a bid to make all county boards of education nonpartisan
The redrawing of Democratic State Senator Michelle Au’s Gwinnett-based SD48 into a Republican-leaning district, which is notable because Au is Georgia’s first and only Asian American woman state senator
The splitting of Coweta County into five State House districts, combining a northern portion with Democratic districts extending into South Fulton County.
State House
In Columbus, the current legislative partisan makeup of the county will likely be retained, with Reps. Carolyn Hugley’s HD136 (now renamed HD141) and the retiring Calvin Smyre’s HD134 (renamed HD140).
Rep. Hugley’s district will undergo one key change: the entirety of Gentian/Elizabeth Bradley Turner precinct will move into her district from Richard Smith’s HD134 (renamed HD139), including the main campus of Columbus State University. Under the outgoing map, this precinct was split between the two districts.
Rep. Debbie Buckner’s HD136 will undergo the biggest map change: her district, currently stretching from east Columbus-Muscogee into eastern Harris, southern Meriwether, and all of Talbot, will now consist of eastern Columbus-Muscogee, all of Talbot County, a smaller portion of Meriwether County (cutting out Greenville, Gay and Woodbury), and southeastern Troup County stretching into African-American majority parts of southern LaGrange, completely excluding Harris County. This results in an odd hook shape for the district.
Under this rewrite, Harris County loses a House district while Troup County gains a district. Buckner’s former portion of Harris (Waverly Hall precinct) goes to Richard Smith’s district. Vance Smith’s HD133 (renamed to HD138) as well as David Jenkins’ HD132 (renamed to HD136) both lose chunks of southern Troup to Buckner’s district.
State Senate
Sen. Ed Harbison’s SD15 has undergone minor changes, with the Salvation Army precinct (formerly Blackmon precinct), Gentian/Elizabeth Bradley Turner precinct (formerly Gentian/Reese precinct) and Epworth precinct all being shifted to SD15 from Randy Robertson’s SD29.
Congress
With those maps passed, the General Assembly Republicans introduced on Wednesday Nov 18 a congressional map which, besides notably nuking Lucy McBath’s re-election chances in GA06 and making the GA07 much more Democratic, also shifts Sanford Bishop’s GA02 into a more interesting position: moving a bit more of northern Columbus-Muscogee into GA02 from Drew Ferguson’s GA03, but also shifting Warner Robins, northern Houston County and Thomas County into GA02 from Austin Scott’s GA08. While the addition of Thomas County would shift the African-American share of the population to under 50% and increase the Republican presence in the district, the addition of the strongly-blue precincts of Warner Robins would likely help keep Bishop in office and the district blue.
As far as Columbus is concerned, the new GA02 would pick up Moon/Morningside precinct as well as most of Cornerstone precinct north of J.R. Allen Freeway, while splitting a northern bit of the Columbus Tech precinct into GA03, cutting through the streets of the Crescent Ride neighborhood.
Aftermath
The entire process of redistricting by Republicans in the General Assembly was centered around protecting incumbents through anti-competitive measures such as packing and cracking while taking out a few Democratic casualties. New York Magazine notes that the Republicans’ treatment of voters in GA-06, among other plans, may invite a new round of litigation under the Voting Rights Act to combat instances of racial gerrymandering, although any of the challenges under the VRA face a high threshold to succeed in federal court, with nearly 2/3s of 11th circuit district judges being appointed by the last three Republican presidents (the largest share being appointed by Trump).
On the “bright side” for Democrats, this year’s redistricting process was not as brutal as in the 2011 cycle, which further sunk Democrats to such a historic nadir from 2013 to 2017 that Republicans enjoyed a supermajority of 38 seats in the State Senate, was one seat shy of a 120-seat supermajority in the State House, and held 10 congressional seats. Under the General Assembly-approved map for next year, Republicans are clearly favored for 9 seats in Congress, 33 Senate seats (with Au’s SD48 being the most competitive) and 85-97 House seats. Even though historic levels of public scrutiny and partisan intrigue were ignored by the legislative majority, they could not ignore the massive growth in population by over a million new Georgians, largely moving to the Atlanta region.
Meanwhile, redistricting for Columbus City Council and Muscogee County School District may continue into next year, as will other local redistricting processes across the state, due to the delays of the 2020 Census by the COVID-19 pandemic. This will either 1) push primaries and nonpartisan local elections later by a month or 2) force local elections across the state to be held under the current map and delay implementation of the new maps into the 2023 and 2024 elections.
In Chile, the Mapuche communities make up roughly 12 percent of the country’s population.
They have historically been the poorest and most discriminated-against sector of society.
In fact, Chile is one of a few countries in the world whose constitution does not recognise its Indigenous peoples.
The conflict against the state has been simmering for years, but in recent months more radical Mapuche groups have been attacking and torching hundreds of trucks, farms, homes, forest lands owned by lumber companies and even trains.
