Hate this for her, glad she’s alive, hope it goes better for the most recent recipient.
it started to fail when Towana Looney had to reduce her antirejection medicine due to the unrelated infection. But she can at least claim to be the first of the trial patients to have it removed and live. And 130 days with a functioning pig kidney remains the record for now.
xenotransplantation continues to show an incredible amount of promise. Hoping that Looney gets a new kidney, and also hoping the best for Tim Andrews, who received his pig kidney on 25 January.
Out of the former Confederate states in the period between 1870 and 1901, only South Carolina sent at least two or more members to the U.S. House.
Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, North Carolina and Virginia all sent one member at a time.
Texas and Tennessee never sent any members in the (post-)Reconstruction era
and Arkansas has never sent any African Americans to Congress to the present day
Now, Alabama will likely send two Black members to the U.S. House for the first time. And Louisiana is within spitting distance of doing the same for the second time in their history; the first time such a thing happened was in 1993, when William Jefferson (D-LA02 and Cleo Fields (D-LA04) went to the 103rd Congress.
The big question which sticks out for me is whether the Alabama Democratic Party will be prepared for this moment.
They certainly weren’t when Doug Jones won the once-in-a-blue-moon Senate special election in December 2017. In fact, the Alabama Democratic Party, the statewide Black Democratic club ran by Joe Reed, actively fought Jones for influence over the party’s bylaws and structure. The fight continues to this day, years after Jones lost his Senate seat to some bigoted football coach. And it seems like the DNC will have to pry some control of the ADP from the Conference. The Conference also tried to intervene twice in the Allen v. Milligan case to advocate for a more Black-majority 2nd and 7th district (to no avail), which went against the strategy of the plaintiffs as well as Rep. Terri Sewell in favor of two opportunity districts.
Now, however, with Sewell likely to win again in the 7th, the question remains as to the impact of whoever wins the 2nd congressional district. It’s most likely that the winner may be Black, or that whoever wins will have the support of the Black voting-age population in the 2nd district. But will the winner have more of a role in the Alabama Democratic Party? Will the campaign to defend both the 7th and the new 2nd district arouse the party out its current shape?
The same can be asked about Louisiana’s Democratic Party. It is heading to another era in the statewide wilderness with the terming-out of Governor John Bel Edwards and the likely election of a Republican governor. The party has been beaten down badly in other political aspects due to a massive decline in white rural support. Besides retaining Foster Campbell on the PSC in 2026 (he had his closest election in 2020), the other favorable political aspects above the state legislature have been:
the election of Davante Lewis to the PSC in 2022
the possible creation of a second opportunity congressional district around Baton Rouge for 2024
This is why I look forward to the impact of Allen v. Milligan on Southern elections. All of these issues can be challenged in federal court:
the potential second opportunity district in Louisiana
the reform of Mississippi’s State Supreme Court districts
Alabama’s Public Service Commission election method
Georgia’s Public Service Commission election method and maps
Alabama’s legislature will approve a new congressional map with a second VRA district by July 21. The plaintiffs’ remedial map, which goes for a least-change approach, might be adopted, but several submissions have been sent.
SCOTUS rejecting Louisiana’s appeal defending their congressional maps is only a partial victory for fairer maps. The case was sent back to the 5th Circuit to decide whether to continue hearing Louisiana’s appeal or to send it back to the Middle District of Louisiana which already ruled against the map. We shall see, but either Louisiana or the 5th Circuit can draw this one out.
The denial of cert to Ohio’s case defending their shit maps is not a victory for fair maps at all. Unless Ohio defeats Issue 1, most other attempts at redistricting reform in that state are f**ked.
Still nothing regarding Rose v. Raffensperger from the 11th Circuit, beyond both plaintiffs and the state sparring in dueling letters to the court asserting Milligan and Gingles‘ applicability to the case immediately following the Milligan decision.
I tried redrawing a map with a second majority-Black district for Louisiana’s PSC. I don’t think it worked.
Georgia Public Service Commission election case, arguing that the at-large election method in the state constitution for the Public Service Commission violates the Voting Rights Act. Federal judge just ruled (1/24) against the state’s motion for a summary judgment, in favor of plaintiffs’ request for partial summary judgment. Georgia law holds that candidates for PSC run statewide but must live in their home districts.
It is already well-documented that Republicans and their judicial sycophants like John Roberts despise the Voting Rights Act when it comes to its pre-Shelby federal intervention powers, i.e., U.S. DOJ preclearance of legislative and congressional maps. What is less well-known is how Republicans see the VRA’s insistence on majority-minority representation in redistricting as a tool for packing and cracking districts to minimize Democratic-preference representation and protect Republican incumbents.
I’m not prepared to say what implications could arise if SCOTUS reverses the Northern District of Alabama ruling.
VRA Implications for Georgia PSC
On the PSC issue, if the court rules for the plaintiffs (and the decision survives SCOTUS), Georgia would join Mississippi, Louisiana, Montana, Nebraska and New Mexico in holding elections for PSC from voters of individual districts rather than statewide. Alabama, Arizona, Illinois, North Dakota, Oklahoma and South Dakota all hold statewide elections, but seats do not represent districts. All other PSCs in other states are appointed, usually by the governor.
A victory for the plaintiff would likely recommend that Georgia changes either Article IV, Section I of the state constitution and/or O.C.G.A. 46-2-1(a) to clarify how PSC members are elected, either removing any mention of the five PSC districts or removing any mention of statewide election for PSC members. It would also mean the return of Democratic Party representation to the PSC for the first time since 2006, when David Burgess was defeated in his re-election bid. Notably, out of those PSCs which are currently elected by district, only Montana lacks any Democrats among their membership (since 2012).
What may become an issue is if the districts of the PSC, currently based around counties, are subsequently redrawn further for Republicans’ base benefit, even though the current map would likely go 4R-1D anyway (which would be an improvement).
Or is there a further opportunity to redraw this map for VRA compliance? But then would the basis exclusively around multiple counties rather than around equal population get in the way?
District 2 is easily the most competitive district on this map, having voted 51% Trump-46% Biden. The current District 2 is also a minority opportunity district which is 51% minority (30.25% Black, 11.94% Hispanic), anchored between Athens, Macon, Warner Robins and the eastern Metro Atlanta counties.
Richmond County being moved from District 4 to District 2 would make District 2 knife’s-edge, easily flippable for either party depending on the year.
District 5 is not as competitive, having voted 54% Trump-43% Biden, but moving Muscogee County from out of District 1 would make District 5 a little bit more competitive, shifting to 53% Trump-44% Biden.
The idea of having justices represent districts may conflict with the fact that state supreme courts usually take cases from, and deliver interpretations of the law which impact, all areas of their states. This is in contrast to legislatures and commission bodies like PSCs, which enact new policies.
After a 4-hour meeting on 10/12/19, the Alabama Democratic Party’s SDEC has voted to replace the bylaws approved by 78 members last Saturday with an amended version of the old one which the DNC has not approved, also defied the DNC by holding elections for new SDEC members, and finally “cancelled” the ADP meeting called by members for Nov. 2 in favor of Nov. 16.
Takeaways:
This was a shitshow.
The votes on the bylaws were close: out of 167 members attending, the split was usually 80-73. It was said to be on largely-racial lines, even though the House Minority Leader Anthony Daniels and his fellow legislators Chris England and Vivian Figures supported the Oct. 5 meeting and agitatedly strongly against the Worley-Reed faction throughout this meeting.
This is a big middle finger to the DNC and Doug Jones. Say bye-bye to Milwaukee, to DNC party-building money ($10k a month withheld since September 2018) and perhaps to Doug Jones’ re-election bid.
Lawyer Barry Ragsdale has threatened a lawsuit against the ADP after the Monday holiday.
Dissenting members have stated they will attend the Nov. 2 meeting and hold leadership elections for a new executive board. Could be the start of a new (DNC-affiliated?) party for Alabama.
Worley regularly overrode points of order, parliamentary inquiries, suggested amendments and points of personal privilege from the opposition. She repeatedly refused to recognize minutes, procedures and bylaws from last Saturday’s meeting, but somehow managed to recognize the called meeting for Nov 2 and vote to kill the call.
DNC lawyer Harold Ickes noted to reporters in the back that Worley was violating the OLD BYLAWS, let alone the new ones. More fodder for the lawsuit.
Meeting ended in massive screaming.
This feels less like a racial split and more of a power play between the Alabama Democratic Conference and the Alabama Democratic Reform Caucus ADRC/ Alabama New South Coalition over how much/far affirmative action should be considered in SDEC representation.
Another thing I noticed is how so much of the drama which unfolded at the ADP’s SDEC meeting today is not as reflected in social media. Not much social media engagement from the Worley-Reed faction beyond a few individuals and the Alabama Democratic Conference.
You would expect something this consequential to have a social media campaign being waged on behalf of the status quo. But the tweets are barely there. The Facebook posts are overwhelmingly pro-reform.
Instead, the status quo pushback has largely happened through quotes to journalists from al.com (namely Kyle Whitmire) and Montgomery Advertiser (namely Brian Lyman).
This says a few things about media and statewide party politics in the South:
Most of the Worley-Reed faction don’t use social media, or at least don’t use it to amplify their opinions. I’m currently assuming that their age group is above 50 on average.
Local journalists and columnists have been as essential to coverage of in-party politics as much as members of the SDEC and Democratic activists.
As the majority of those who voted against the DNC’s recommendations are Black, I see a startling lack of coverage of why they voted for the status quo, which is not a good look for a state with such a large Black Democratic presence. At most, the three biggest reasons offered by the few posting made online by anti-reform members are the following:
Doug Jones voting more for Trump appointees than other Senate Democrats;
The DNC’s perceived lack of diversity;
The perceived watering-down of African-American voting strength in the SDEC in the new bylaws compared to the African-American voting strength within the Alabama Democratic base in general elections.
Only one anti-reform voice has actually defended Nancy Worley’s leadership. But there is a distrust for the pro-reform side’s motives, deep-seated anger against Worley and Reed’s defenders for dragging the party into such a weakened state, and perhaps a lack of information to/from/about the anti-reform side’s proponents.
Former Vice President Joe Biden will escort Sen.-elect Doug Jones (D-AL) to his swearing-in ceremony on Wednesday morning, according to CNN and local reports from Alabama. While the state colleague typically accompanies a new senator to the swearing-in ceremony, Jones did not ask Sen. Richard Shelby (R-AL) to attend, AL.com and WAAY TV reported Tuesday evening. Jones’ ceremony is scheduled for noon on Wednesday and he plans to do his swearing-in on a personal family Bible, according to AL.com.
Tina Smith, who served three years as Minnesota’s lieutenant governor and worked behind the scenes as an influential DFLer for years before that, will join the U.S. Senate on Wednesday. Smith’s rapid elevation to the Senate follows the resignation of former Sen. Al Franken, who stepped down a day earlier following sexual harassment allegations. Smith, 59, will become Minnesota’s junior senator alongside Sen. Amy Klobuchar, also a DFLer. That will make Minnesota just the fourth state to currently have two women as U.S. senators.
Smith is now the 22nd currently-sitting female senator, a record. Jones’ election nubs the Republican majority even more to 1 seat, so expect more tie-breaker votes from Pence. Smith intends to run for her new seat in November 2018, and Jones will be up for re-election to a full term in 2020.
The lawmaker who initiated the move to impeach Robert Bentley said he believes Alabama’s governor will soon step down.
In an interview with WTVY, Rep. Ed Henry, R-Hartselle, said if the House moves on Articles of Impeachment, Bentley would be suspended pending the outcome of a Senate trial. To avoid impeachment, Henry added, Bentley would likely resign no later than next month.
“From what I’m hearing I would expect by mid-April that the governor either will have resigned or the impeachment committee will be moving at a very rapid pace,” Henry said.
Another thing about Alabama: they suffer from a slightly-worse case of Southern Political Apartheid than Georgia does. Alabama, like the rest of the South (save, maybe, for Florida) has one of the most racially-stratified political systems in the country. When the Dems had ran the South like Alabama during Jim Crow, they built the South to become a one-party state. When the pro-apartheid base was lost, the GOP claimed that base with a vengeance.
The goal in the South is to take everything. Electorally, we’re a very greedy, jealous, spiteful region.
Last night, I learned that the reason why #Alabama’s 1901 constitution is the longest extant constitution in the world is because it has a whopping 856 amendments to limit local rule, preserve white supremacy and solidify the hold of the Jim Crow Democrats. To date, most of these amendments have not been struck down or repealed. It’s a f*cking embarrassment of a document, ya’ll.
