I think about the following:
- Out of the former Confederate states in the period between 1870 and 1901, only South Carolina sent at least two or more members to the U.S. House.
- Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, North Carolina and Virginia all sent one member at a time.
- Texas and Tennessee never sent any members in the (post-)Reconstruction era
- and Arkansas has never sent any African Americans to Congress to the present day
Now, Alabama will likely send two Black members to the U.S. House for the first time. And Louisiana is within spitting distance of doing the same for the second time in their history; the first time such a thing happened was in 1993, when William Jefferson (D-LA02 and Cleo Fields (D-LA04) went to the 103rd Congress.
The big question which sticks out for me is whether the Alabama Democratic Party will be prepared for this moment.
They certainly weren’t when Doug Jones won the once-in-a-blue-moon Senate special election in December 2017. In fact, the Alabama Democratic Party, the statewide Black Democratic club ran by Joe Reed, actively fought Jones for influence over the party’s bylaws and structure. The fight continues to this day, years after Jones lost his Senate seat to some bigoted football coach. And it seems like the DNC will have to pry some control of the ADP from the Conference. The Conference also tried to intervene twice in the Allen v. Milligan case to advocate for a more Black-majority 2nd and 7th district (to no avail), which went against the strategy of the plaintiffs as well as Rep. Terri Sewell in favor of two opportunity districts.
Now, however, with Sewell likely to win again in the 7th, the question remains as to the impact of whoever wins the 2nd congressional district. It’s most likely that the winner may be Black, or that whoever wins will have the support of the Black voting-age population in the 2nd district. But will the winner have more of a role in the Alabama Democratic Party? Will the campaign to defend both the 7th and the new 2nd district arouse the party out its current shape?
The same can be asked about Louisiana’s Democratic Party. It is heading to another era in the statewide wilderness with the terming-out of Governor John Bel Edwards and the likely election of a Republican governor. The party has been beaten down badly in other political aspects due to a massive decline in white rural support. Besides retaining Foster Campbell on the PSC in 2026 (he had his closest election in 2020), the other favorable political aspects above the state legislature have been:
- the election of Davante Lewis to the PSC in 2022
- the possible creation of a second opportunity congressional district around Baton Rouge for 2024
This is why I look forward to the impact of Allen v. Milligan on Southern elections. All of these issues can be challenged in federal court:
- the potential second opportunity district in Louisiana
- the reform of Mississippi’s State Supreme Court districts
- Alabama’s Public Service Commission election method
- Georgia’s Public Service Commission election method and maps
- Texas’s Supreme Court election method
- Texas’ State Board of Education maps
- Texas’s Railroad Commission election method
- Louisiana’s Supreme Court election method