What Would a Feminist City Look Like?

What design elements would make a feminist city work? What changes need to be made on the ground to enact an equitable place? In this video, Katrina Johnston-Zimmerman discusses the elements of a feminist future city.

This video is a chapter in the fifth course of the Women and Cities series. Full course available at: https://courses.planetizen.com/course/women-cities-feminist-future-city?utm_source=youtube.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=Planetizen+Courses

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Cynthia McDonald | Weekly Sunday Gathering October 23 2022

Join us in person or online
Main Topic: Social and Economics Justice from an Atheist Point of View

Speaker : Cynthia McDonald

Social Worker – Health and Political Advocate Cynthia is an Infectious Disease Medical Case Manager where she works with people living with HIV in the city of Chicago. She authors a blog called freedmenhealthandwellness.com which speaks on the social determinants of health of Black Americans that descend from Chattel Slavery. She has been a guest on several podcasts and is a regular host on the Non-Prophets produced by the Atheist Community of Austin and Women Atheist Unload produced by the Promethean Secular Frontier (PSF) channel. Cynthia is also a health and political advocate that works with various organizations in Chicago and nationally to achieve social and economic justice for Black Freedmen Descendants, push for health equity for marginalized groups in the United States, and normalizing Atheism amongst the Black Community. Cynthia is also a musician that writes and performs a variety of genres of music including Classical, R&B, and Dance. Link tree: https://ift.tt/xXL5HaT

Music : TBA

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Ravers Vs. Putin: Ukraine’s Wartime Festival

Against the backdrop of a brutal war, thousands of young Ukrainian hippies gathered in the mountains for a giant party: the annual Shypit Festival. Nudity, psychedelics, and dancing around the fire chanting “**** Putin” ensued.

For many, this was their last chance to party before being conscripted to the front lines.

But then the Ukrainian military showed up and began drafting the young revelers. While it may have ruined the party for some, these hippies are mostly keen to fight. In fact, they may be the first hippies in history who WANT to go to war…

Watch more from VICE:

The Story of ‘Unwritten’ By Natasha Bedingfield

The Dark Secret Behind the Royal Family’s Wealth

MS13’s Toxic Weed That’s “More Addictive Than Cocaine”

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why it took 200,000 years to invent the wheel

A portion of this video was sponsored by IBM. Learn more about the New Creators on IBM’s YouTube channel or New Creators homepage: https://ibm.co/3evd1Bz | https://www.youtube.com/ibm

Humanity invented the harp before we invented the wheel. Wild. In this video, Sabrina explores why it took humanity so long to invent the wheel and challenges her friends to redo it in a day.

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Sabrina
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CREDITS
Produced by Sabrina Cruz
Production Assistance by Chantele Viens
Video Editing by Joe Trickey
Motion Design by Sabrina Cruz
Special Thanks to Taha Khan, Melissa Fernandes, and David W. Anthony

MUSIC
Epidemic Sound. Get started today using our affiliate link. https://ift.tt/jRpvtd5

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anthony, D. W. (2010). The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How bronze-age riders from the Eurasian steppes shaped the modern world. Princeton University Press.
Gambino, M. (2009, June 17). A salute to the wheel. Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved from https://ift.tt/DR9LFev
Staff, F. M. (2017, March 7). DK science: Machines. Retrieved August 30, 2022, from https://ift.tt/xJ8TQBi
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Brittanica. (2022, August 24). simple machine. Retrieved August 30, 2022, from Encyclopedia Britannica website: https://ift.tt/w7i3nQa
Wolchover, N. (2012, March 6). Why it took so long to invent the wheel. Retrieved August 26, 2022, from Scientific American website: https://ift.tt/F5napAS

TIMESTAMPS
00:00 oooh so edgy lmao
00:13 paying the bills
01:35 how long did it take to invent the wheel
02:19 do you know what the wheel is
03:28 send in the clowns begins to play
05:02 why the wheel took so long to invent
06:28 when plans fall apart
07:27 the delusions settle in
08:43 why the wheel took so long to perfect
09:52 melissa doesn’t know what a tractor is
10:59 they made thing
12:16 let’s try and break them
12:52 melissa DEFINITELY doesn’t know what a tractor is
13:00 testing the bare minimum
14:21 how the wheel spread
14:38 whoa was that a drone shot?
15:17 call melissa ferrari
15:35 how the wheel change transport
15:55 ngl this was not a well designed test
17:39 don’t reinvent the wheel. engage instead.

————————————————————————————
Welcome to the joke under the fold! Here’s one about a fun story on set:

At some point Melissa stole one of Taha’s wheel’s during the build… he worked tirelessly to catch up.

Leave a comment with the word TIRE to let me know you were here 😉

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Namibia: A Side Of Africa The Media Won’t Show You

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Namibia: A Side Of Africa The Media Won’t Show You is a video about me exploring the southern African country of Namibia. I travel across it and pass through, Windhoek, sossusvlei, deadvlei and then I end up at Swakopmund to visit the oldest desert in the world at sandwich Harbour. This is me showing you what Namibia is really like through my eyes and some of the best things to do in one of the most beautiful African countries. Do like, watch and enjoy.

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your city is full of fake buildings, here’s why

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Somewhere on your street there may be a house that isn’t a house; instead, there may be essential city infrastructure like electrical substations, tunnel ventilation, or a water pump hiding inside. In this video, Sabrina drags Taha and Melissa along to figure out what is inside some fake buildings in New York, Paris, and Toronto and why they needed to be hidden in the first place.
#travel #education

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CREDITS
Video by Sabrina Cruz
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Motion Design by Sabrina Cruz
Special Thanks to Melissa Fernandes and Taha Khan

MUSIC
Epidemic Sound. Get started today using our affiliate link. https://ift.tt/8Ztdf3w

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aesthetic Justice and Urban Planning (2002). Hanna Mattila via Geojournal.
The Architecture of Deceit (2013). Meg Van Huygen via AtlasObscura.com.
Artist Project / Transformer Houses (2006). Robin Collyer via Cabinet Magazine.
The built environment and mental health (2003). Evans via J Urban Health
Comment by M.S. Smith on Transformer Houses (2006) via BLDGBLOG.
Fresh Air for Tunnel: Plant Site Purchased (1907) via New York Tribune.
Powering Urban Growth (2019). Tom Odell via YouTube.
Power Houses: Toronto Hydro’s Camouflaged Substations. Steve via WebUrbanist.
Harold Alphonso Bodwell via Bodwellfamily.org
Housing In My Backyard: A Municipal Guide For Responding To NIMBY(2009). Affordability and Choice Today.
The Toronto City Directory 1912 via Archive.org
Turning on Toronto Exhibit via City of Toronto.
Toronto neighbourhood residents upset (2021). Kamil Karamali via GlobalNews
What’s Inside This House on Wade Avenue? (2014). Eric Mennel via North Carolina Public Radio.
Who Participates in Local Government (2018). Einstein et al. via Perspectives on Politics.

TIMESTAMPS
00:00 this building is real… SIKE
00:26 paying the bills
01:38 down the rabbit hole
02:15 paris is a 2 minute walk away
03:06 a fake building in a haystack made of fake buildings
03:45 what is a fake building?
04:30 what is inside fake buildings?
05:58 why do fake buildings exist?
06:41 an irrelevant side quest that took too much time so now you need to see it
08:40 why are oil companies trying to act slick
09:25 a call to beef with the nimbys
10:50 an alternative plea for good design
12:01 it’s just so ugly lmaoo

————————————————————————————
Welcome to the joke under the fold! Here’s some architectural humour for you:

Some of Toronto’s most famous substations are built in the Beaux-Arts style, and some it’s clown colleges in the Bozo-Arts style.

Leave a comment with the word BUILT to let me know you were here 😉
———————————————————————————–
NATIVE DEODORANT REVIEW #NativePartner #Deodorant #AluminumFree

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The Belated Entry of Partisan Voter Affiliation Questions into the South?

There is a legislative effort in Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Missouri , South Carolina and even Texas to close partisan primaries for elected office and require partisan voter affiliation questions on registration forms, and several individuals are sounding alarm bells about it.

(Note: Missouri’s June 2022 voter ID law (their third attempt at such, set to go into affect in January 2023 pending litigation) requires voters to identify on their voter registration forms with a party or mark themselves as “unaffiliated”).

But I note that most Southern states, save for Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana and North Carolina, have not adopted partisan voter affiliation questions on voter registration forms. The majority of states with partisan voter affiliation (PVA) questions are largely located either west of the Mississippi or in the Northeast.

green: states with partisan voter affiliation questions, light green: set to take effect in 2023; red: states without

Save for Georgia, the other previously-mentioned states with Republican-led movements toward closed primaries are all deeply-red in terms of legislative share. The current one-party rule in these states increasingly resemble the one-party rule under the then-conservative Democratic Party in these same states. As I noted, only Tennessee, North Carolina and Virginia had uninterrupted instances of Republican legislative representation in both houses (much of it paltry) during the days of Jim Crow. But, unlike most other U.S. states outside of the South, most Southern states did not introduce PVA questions during that same era, and instead suppressed Republican and non-white suffrage through other, more notorious means (including the county unit system in Georgia up to 1963 and its state house-based equivalent in Mississippi up until 2021).

Appendix A in this 1985 study on party enrollment and identification shows that, sometime after publication of this study, Alaska (sometime prior to 1995), Arkansas (sometime prior to 2002), Idaho, and Utah all adopted PVA questions on their voter registration forms.

Without addressing the desire or need for closed primaries, the biggest question I have about the use of the PVA question is its intersection with race. Among those Southeastern states with PVA questions:

  • Arkansas, despite being a slave state prior to emancipation, has a smaller Black population (around 19%) than most other former Confederate states (save only for Texas at around 12%), and is perhaps the “whitest” state in the former Confederacy.
  • North Carolina, with a 22.5% Black population
  • Florida at 17.1%
  • Louisiana at 33.1%

Arkansas is the most inelastic of these four, while the other three see competitive turnovers from time to time in statewide elections. Louisiana may see competitive elections for governorships due to its jungle primary, while North Carolina and Florida see competitive elections due to their plurality elections. As of 2022, Louisiana currently gives the numeric advantage in PVA to Democrats, Florida (a closed primary state) to Republicans, and Arkansas and North Carolina both to independent/unenrolled voters.

What would Georgia’s PVA makeup look like if we had such a question on voter registration applications? Georgia has a 33% Black population (only less of a percentage than Mississippi and Louisiana), and over 80% of Black voters vote for Democrats, while over 70% of white voters regularly vote for Republicans.

And what of those who would mark “unenrolled”/”independent” on their PVA questions? How much would they constitute of Georgia’s population at this time if asked on their VR forms, and how would the unenrolled break down by race/sex/etc?

Finally, this isn’t the first time that Southern states have moved to adopt election-related ideas popular in the Northeast. Literacy tests were also adopted first in the Northeast for voter registration in the 19th century in order to suppress recent immigrants from voting, and were subsequently adopted by Southern governments to suppress African Americans from voting.

Compared to that, however, the main suppressive effect of PVA questions and closed primaries would be the exclusion of unaffiliated voters from determining party nominees. The big question is: who would be the unaffiliated?

Another note: this article from the American Political Science Review published in 1922 states that the number of states who switched to PVA questions on voter registration forms rose from 11 in 1908 to 26 by 1920.

This practice needs better documentation, and its wild that I can’t find much research on how partisan voter registration became a thing, or why it has increased among states, or why we seem to be the only country that does this. Why?

On post-Civil War party strength in the ex-Confederacy

  • States which had continuous legislative opposition presence since statehood: Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming
  • States which had periods of no legislative opposition since statehood:
    • Alabama (House: 1959-1962, 1967-1970, 1975-1978; Senate: 1903-1906, 1923-1966, 1971-1982)
    • Arizona (House: 1915-1916, 1941-1944; Senate: 1925-1930, 1937-1952)
    • Arkansas (House: 1903-1904, 1933-1936; 1959-1960; Senate: 1899-1904, 1909-1910, 1915-1916, 1919-1968, 1979-1980)
    • Connecticut (Senate: 1800-1817, 1819-1824, 1865)
    • Delaware (House: 1857-1858, 1869-1880, 1883-1888, 1893-1894; Senate: 1869-1872, 1877-1880, 1885-1888)
    • Florida (House 1891-1894, 1899-1902, 1905-1906, 1911-1916, 1919-1928, 1931-1932, 1935-1946, 1949-1950; Senate 1891-1928, 1931-1952), 
    • Georgia (House: 1909-1910; Senate: 1883-1886, 1891-1892, 1905-1910, 1917-1920, 1923-1924, 1929-1930, 1951-1952)
    • Hawaii (Senate: 2017-2018)
    • Kansas (Senate: 1871-1872)
    • Louisiana (House: 1900-1911, 1920-1963, 1968-1969; Senate: 1892-1895, 1900-1911, 1920-1969, 1972-1975, 1980-1983)
    • Maine (Senate: 1885-1886, 1889-1890, 1895-1900, 1921-1922, 1929-1932)
    • Massachusetts (Senate: 1855)
    • Michigan (Senate: 1843-1845)
    • Minnesota (Senate: 1854-1855, 1905-1910, 1919-1930)
    • Mississippi (House: 1904-1962, 1968-1971; Senate: 1892-1963, 1968-1971)
    • Ohio (1929-1930)
    • Oklahoma (Senate:1937-1938)
    • Oregon (Senate: 1849)
    • Rhode Island (Senate: 1801; 1804-1805, 1808, 1815-1819, 1836-1837
    • South Carolina (House: 1903-1961, 1963-1964; Senate: 1897-1966)
    • South Dakota (Senate: 1945-1948)
    • Texas (House: 1931-1932, 1939-1950, 1950-1961, Senate: 1887-1892, 1901-1908, 1915-1920, 1929-1966)
    • Utah (Senate: 1907-1910)

Notable

Fun fact: Georgia is one of 10 states to have had unanimous party control in either house of state legislature at least once, and one of 23 states to have had unanimous party control of a state senate at least once. Racist Democrats held all seats in the State House in 1909-1910, and all seats in the State Senate in 1883-1886, 1891-1892, 1905-1910, 1917-1920, 1923-1924, 1929-1930, and 1951-1952.

  • How many years without a minority caucus:
    • Alabama Senate: 43 years 
    • Louisiana House: 43 years
    • Mississippi House: 58 years
    • Mississippi Senate: 71 years
    • South Carolina House: 58 years
    • South Carolina Senate: 69 years 
    • Texas Senate: 37 years

Another political fact: Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee are the only ex-Confederate states to have had a continuous Republican party presence in both houses of state legislature since the Civil War.

In Virginia, Democrats kept Republicans to as low as 3 House and 1 Senate seat; in North Carolina, 4 House and 1 Senate; and in Tennessee, 5 House and 2 Senate.

Just as with Georgia, the historic base of the Republican Party in these states’ legislatures has been the Appalachian region.

The Black-and-tan faction

Research by academic researchers Jeff Jenkins and Boris Heersink shows how (parts 1 and 2), when Republicans (and by extension African-Americans) were locked out of legislative power throughout vast majority of the Jim Crow South until the 1960s, the largest exercise of political power by Southern Republicans was in distributing federal jobs to local Republican loyalists under Republican presidential administrations. Until the advent of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt administration, the black-and-tan faction of the Southern Republican Party fought a pitched conflict for control of the party, pitting the biracial black-and-tan coalition against the “lily-white” Republicans who favored expelling Black party activists from most leadership positions to increase political viability in the ex-Confederacy.

The black-and-tan coalition was often the largest source of access to employment by the federal government for African-Americans in the South, which cratered first under the pro-segregation policies of Woodrow Wilson, then the kneecapping of black-and-tan political bosses by the Hoover administration, and finally the coup-de-grâce of Roosevelt’s 1932 election, which began a long period of Democratic control of the presidency.

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